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Polare 34 >> Article 5
Transmen
The Pregnant Man - An
Oxymoron? by Dr. Sam Dylan More
Institute for Molecular Science - UVSOR
Okazaki National Research Institute
Myodiji, Okazak, Aichi 444
Japan
Abstract
The desire to found a family is a gender neutral one. Pregnancy does
not fall into this category - in our culture it is considered to be an
exclusively female activity.
This study focuses on female to male transsexuals (FTM) who chose to
bear a child, while being conscious of their transsexual male
identity, and who therefore transitioned shortly afterwards.
Problems this group has to face include: finding a supportive
environment, defining the individual perception of masculine identity
and handling the organisational aspects of transitioning.
These consist in dealing with therapists and or medical caregivers who
are required to write or approve the necessary referrals for name
change, hormones or surgeries. Additionally meeting the standards
legally required for a name/gender change can be complicated as those
frequently request permanent sterilisation or a non-marital status.
Several FTM who transitioned either during or after pregnancy (max 3
years afterwards) have been interviewed, particularly in respect to
the response of their social environment. The request of permanent
sterility for FTMs who wish to change their gender legally is
discussed from a feminist and human rights perspective and from the
male self perception of the FTMs involved in the study.
Introduction
The biological characteristic which separates females from males has
been defined as the ability to produce eggs in an ovary and so mothers
have been the stereotype for femaleness in our culture (Clover, 1986).
Potency, the ability to sire own biological offspring is however a
prominent characteristic of a man in many, especially traditional
societies. Female to male transsexuals (FTM) are caught in a catch 22
situation: if they become pregnant society might perceive them as
female, if they opt against a pregnancy they won’t become fathers of
own biological offspring - both may lead to psychological suffering.
Feminists have often regarded FTM transsexuals with suspicion as going
over to the enemy (Feinberg, 1996: 100; Queen 1994) and threatening
the concept that gender is a social patriarchal construct (Butler,
1991). In claiming the right to have their own biological children and
still being determined to live in all purposes as a man, the pregnant
FTM could be seen as a special threat to feminism. The essence of his
decision would, however, be to claim the right of self-responsibility
over his own body, a goal which has been a traditional feminist one,
especially regarding the difficult moral question of abortion.
As there is also a strong link between feminism and lesbianism,
transactivists who struggle to provide a better legal recognition of
transsexual families could become worthwhile alleys as for those who
try to improve the legal situation for gay and lesbian couples.
The International Bill of Gender Rights (IGBR) which was accepted as a
resolution at the International Conference of Transgender Law and
Policy can be regarded as a political manifest of the transgender
liberation movement.
It states :
The right to conceive, bear, or adopt children, the right to nurture
and have custody of children and to exercise parental capacity (....)
Therefore individuals shall not be denied the right to conceive bear,
or adopt children, nor to nurture and have custody of children, nor to
exercise parental capacity with respect to children, natural or
adopted, on the basis of their own, their partner’s, or their
children’s chromosomal sex, genitalia, assigned birth sex, or initial
gender role, or by virtue if a self-defined gender identity or the
expression thereof. (IGBR, 1995)
Western’s society’s view that pregnancy is an activity reserved
exclusively for women is also mirrored in the jurisdiction of several
countries including Germany, Netherlands, Sweden and some North
American States. (McMullen and Whittle, 1994) For example the German
legislation (TSG = Transsexuellen Gesetz) provides a ‘minor ‘ solution
the ‘name change’ and a ‘major’ solution ‘a change of sex/gender
designation’.
Parenting options and the right to marry are restricted by this law as
long as the FTM, desires a gender appropriate male name. After birth
of a child or a marriage, the name change is automatically revoked.
The possibility of a pregnant FTM is covered, however, as the name
change tays valid, when the child is born within 302 days after the
name change has become legal ie. has been legally conceived prior the
name change. The option of transitioning and having biological
children of his own is therefore strongly restricted once the FTM has
started to live in the male role. Further the law requires strong
evidence of male gender identity to grant the continuance of the male
name in a second move.
Additionally the law requires ‘a permanent inability to reproduce’ in
order to grant a transsexual citizen a legal gender change. (TSG
(1980), Second Section, SS 8, 1 (iii)).
Only this status enables a FTM to marry, as once his name change is
legal, marriage (to a man) in contrast would permanently revoke the
name change, while a marriage to a woman would be impossible due to
his still female gender status (TSG 1980, first section, SS 7). An
eventually existing marriage with a male partner has to be divorced
prior the gender change.
German Law (BHG, 14.12.1994 FamRZ95, 344) defines a marriage as a
contract between a man and a woman. A change in the TSG would however
imply that also relationships between two men would be recognised as
eligible for marriage. The existing policy, however, is in
contradiction with the German constitution, which guarantees
‘protection of the family’ by the state (Art. 6, sections 1, 2 and 3)
as in the cases of relationships between FTM the state is not
recognising an existing family and discriminating against it on the
basis of gender.
Gay FTMs are prevented to marry or maintain a marriage to the father
of their mutual offspring. This problematic may have been overlooked
when this law and similar ones were issued, as sparse scientific
evidence about such individuals existed.
No study has previously investigated if FTM could willingly become
biological parents, while being conscious of their transgender
identity.
Until now only few studies have been dealt with FTM who have had
children. Green et. al (1978) have conducted a study about 9 FTM who
had raised their own or the spouse’s children, The study concentrated
however mainly on the psychological impact a parent’s transsexuality
might have on the children. Devor (1998: 379, 386) mentions in her
extensive case study of 45 FTM, two participants who consider to
combine parenthood of a biological child and transitioning, but does
not go into any detail except citing that one of those individuals had
already a child before and had self identified as a ‘pregnant man’.
Other participants of that study are briefly described as being FTM
and biological parents, who had their children prior transitioning,
however their identity as a transgendered parent is not investigated.
Most other research has been more ethnologically founded and has
mainly dealt with non-western cultures where other categories for a
sociocultural gender change from female to male apply.
Certain native American cultures have had the system of a berdache,
which enabled in certain cases that a female born person could live in
a male or crossgender role (Spier, 1930). This could also be combined
with the option to raise own offspring (Feinberg, 1996: 27).
Contacts to FTM transsexuals were established using e-mail via the
Internet or at FTM conferences. Notes were taken during the oral
interviews, when questions arose later they were clarified using
(e)-mail correspondence.
Two other FTM were contacted exclusively over the Internet, as they
belonged to a FTM mailing list and were willing to engage in a longer
e-mail conversation. Several FTM who were not willing to give enough
information were excluded. All names used in the paper are pseudonyms.
9 FTM transsexuals were included in this study.
Six (Al, Ben, Chris, Del, Eric, Matt) met the criteria to have had
biological children, while being aware of their male gender
identification and transitioning in the time-frame of 3 years after
the birth of the last one.
The begin of transition is defined as the decision of the FTM to live
eventually as a man and his start of either crossliving, hormone
therapy or transition related counselling.
Another 3 FTM (Leif, Hal, Ian) who transitioned later (6 to 8 years
after the pregnancy) were included in the survey as a comparison to
the first group.
Seven (Al, Ben, Chris, Del, Leif, Hal, Ian) of the FTM became pregnant
by having intercourse with a male partner, in five cases the FTM ‘s
were married (Al, Ben, Leif, Hal, Ian).
In two cases (Eric, Matt) the pregnancies were scheduled in a
pre-planned time-frame and the child was conceived by donor
insemination in order to have a biological child before transitioning.
In those two cases and in one of the above (Chris) the FTM’s were
actually transitioning while being pregnant.
All participants were transitioning at the time the study was
conducted.
Summary
As this study shows, in certain cases pregnancy might be a solution
for a FTM to fulfil his wish to found a family. While direct
transition related anxieties were not present during the pregnancies
of FTM who transitioned later, the feelings directly concerning the
pregnancy did not differ in their variations if compared to the group
who transitioned earlier.
Both a positive and rational relationship towards the body and a
supportive environment helped to reduce pregnancy related stress.
Medical and psychological caregivers as well as the state would have
to change present restrictions to enable individuals with that wish to
do so, in order to increase their life quality.
Acknowledgments
Thanks to James Green, FTM International, for critically reading this
paper.
Polare is published in Australia by The Gender Centre Inc. which is funded by the Department of Community Services under
the SAAP Program and supported by the NSW Health Department through the AIDS and Infectious Diseases Branch. Polare provides a forum for discussion
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Opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the Editor, The Gender Centre Inc., the Department of Community Services
of the NSW Department of Health.
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